The White House wants to stop federal grant money from funding voter registration drives, and the nonprofits that help disabled and elderly Americans cast ballots say they'll be the ones who pay.
The proposed rule from the Office of Management and Budget would prohibit any recipient of federal grants from using that money for voter registration or what the proposal vaguely calls "related activities." OMB Director Russell Vought — who has long opposed taxpayer-funded registration efforts and who previously froze or redirected federal spending over Congress' objections — did not respond to questions from ProPublica about the change. The rule wouldn't take effect until after the 2026 midterms, but its reach would extend well into the next presidential cycle.
Salon framed the proposal as "a massive power grab" and part of a "broader assault" on voting access. That's spin. The real story is older and simpler: federal money always comes with federal strings. Who controls the money controls the vote.
Consider the mechanics. Amy Miller, an attorney for Disability Rights Nebraska, travels the state checking on nursing homes and helping residents register. Last month she helped a veteran with a traumatic brain injury file a change-of-address form so he could vote. "He 100% knew who he wanted to vote for," Miller said, but he couldn't manage a pen. Her organization is funded by Congress. Under Vought's rule, that money couldn't touch registration.
"Shutting that down and making it more difficult for these Americans to access the ballot box is bewildering to me," Miller told Salon. She said she'd never faced regulators trying to block her work before.
But Vought has been consistent about his position. In a 2022 letter to state officials, he called Biden's executive order directing agencies to expand voter registration a "power grab" designed to "increase voter registration and turnout, especially among Democratic Party supporters." He had a point then, and the same logic applies now — just in reverse. Federal registration dollars flow to organizations that tend to register populations that vote Democratic. Cutting those dollars shifts the playing field. Neither side is neutral. Both want the leverage.
The proposal is one piece of a larger architecture. Trump championed the SAVE America Act, which would require documentary proof of citizenship to register — and possibly require it in person, which would end registration drives outright. His administration banned NGOs from conducting drives at naturalization ceremonies before a lawsuit forced a temporary lift. The Education Department told colleges they couldn't use federal work-study dollars for voting work — reversing a practice that paid students to register voters on campus. And on day one of Trump's second term, he rescinded Biden's executive order expanding registration access.
Gateway Pundit, meanwhile, didn't cover the OMB proposal at all. What it ran was former Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt urging conservatives to run their own get-out-the-vote operation, warning against "extreme, far-left liberals who want to destroy our economy" and "end America as we know her and love her." The message was plain: build your own turnout machine, don't depend on the other side's infrastructure.
Which is exactly the question the OMB rule raises. If the federal government stops funding registration through grants, who picks up the slack — and whose voters get left behind?
The founders argued over who should elect whom, but they agreed on this much: the franchise is meaningless if you can't reach the ballot. The fight over how to get there is always a fight over who gets there.







