Colorado Democrats just announced their plan to lock Republicans out of governing entirely — and they're bragging about it. The Democratic Legislative Campaign Committee, the national party's state-level campaign arm, unveiled a strategy Wednesday to capture two-to-one supermajorities in both chambers of the Colorado legislature, targeting 13 House and Senate seats in November's election.

Here's what that means for ordinary Coloradans: if Democrats succeed, your vote becomes theater. A supermajority lets the governing party refer constitutional amendments to voters on a straight party-line vote — no negotiation, no compromise, no input from the minority. It also lets them override a governor's veto without a single vote from the other side. One party, total control, and the structural tools to entrench it.

Democrats currently hold 43 of 65 House seats and 23 of 35 Senate seats — one seat shy of a supermajority in each chamber. The DLCC is targeting eight House seats and five Senate seats it must either defend or flip to close the gap, according to the Boulder Daily Camera.

On offense, the DLCC wants to flip House Districts 16, 19, 50, and 51 — currently held by Reps. Rebecca Keltie, Dan Woog, Ryan Gonzalez, and Ron Weinberg. Keltie and Weinberg aren't seeking reelection, making those open-seat contests. In the Senate, Democrats are targeting District 30, held by Sen. John Carson of Highlands Ranch.

On defense, the party is protecting House Districts 25, 43, 46, and 59 — held by Reps. Tammy Story, Bob Marshall, Trish Mauro, and Katie Stewart. Senate seats they're defending include Districts 3, 11, 15, and 27, held by Sens. Nick Hinrichsen, Tony Exum, Janice Marchman, and Tom Sullivan. Hinrichsen isn't running again.

The DLCC will pour in data, research, polling, paid communication, and direct voter outreach, according to a news release — the full apparatus of national party infrastructure bearing down on a handful of state legislative districts.

DLCC President Heath Williams framed it as a victory lap, citing Democrats' legislative record since taking full control of state government in 2018: abortion rights, gun restrictions, and the costs of healthcare and housing. Republicans have argued Democrats failed on that last one. "We are prepared to capitalize on this once-in-a-generation opportunity to expand Democratic power across the map and get this group of strong candidates across the finish line in November," Williams said.

Note the language: "expand Democratic power." Not govern. Not represent. Power.

Democrats held a House supermajority in 2022 and 2023 — the only time either party has held that status in either chamber since at least 1992, per Ballotpedia. Their current Senate majority is already the widest margin either party has held in that span. Now they want to lock it in permanently.

The Boulder Daily Camera noted the veto-override power that comes with a supermajority, but buried the lede: it also acknowledged that power is "easier talked about than accomplished" — a concession that softens what this plan actually represents. The real prize is the constitutional amendment referral power. That's the mechanism that lets one party put fundamental changes to the state's governing document before voters without any bipartisan buy-in.

Colorado is the test case. If the DLCC's blueprint works here, it will be replicated in every state where Democrats are within striking distance. The national party isn't hiding it — they're announcing it, funding it, and daring anyone to stop them.

The question isn't whether Democrats have the right to pursue this. They do. The question is whether Coloradans want a system where one party can rewrite the rules without the other side even in the room.